This chapter explores how our consumer tastes connect to our social class. We discuss how visible and demonstrative consumption habits\u2014conspicuous consumption\u2014distinguish some groups from others. We also identify the differences between Bourdieu\u2019s concepts of economic, cultural, and social capital. The case of coffee, and coffee shops more specifically, is used to examine the sociological concepts of public space and third place. Finally, we explain coffee\u2019s connection to globalized commodity chains and describe how a $5 cappuccino is connected to poverty and hardship for coffee growers and laborers.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n
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Further Reading<\/h2>\n\n\n\n
Fischer, Edward F. 2021. \u201cQuality and inequality: creating value worlds with Third Wave coffee.\u201d Socio-Economic Review<\/em> 19(1):111-131.<\/p>\n\n\n\nThe article focuses on the burgeoning high-end (‘Third Wave’) coffee market in the USA and examines how economic gains are extracted by translating values across symbolic and material worlds. It explores how roasters, baristas, and marketers have developed a new lexicon of quality for coffee, tied to narratives of provenance and exclusivity, which creates much of the value added in the Third Wave market. The article also highlights how this disadvantages smallholding coffee farmers, particularly Maya farmers in Guatemala, who lack the social and cultural capital needed to extract surplus symbolic value from their crops, perpetuating classic dependency patterns of global capital accumulation.<\/p>\n\n\n\nDiscussion questions<\/summary>\n\n- How does the Third Wave coffee market demonstrate the role of cultural capital in consumption?<\/li>\n\n\n\n
- Describe the relationship between coffee producers and consumers in the Third Wave coffee market. How does it differ from pre-existing coffee commodity chains in terms of the outcomes for producers?<\/li>\n\n\n\n
- What does the concept of \u201csymbolic value worlds\u201d mean and how does it illustrate key concepts from Chapter 4?<\/li>\n\n\n\n
- What does this article add to our understanding of the ways that global commodity chains function beyond what was discussed in Chapter 4?<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n\n\n\n
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Bookman, Sonia. 2013. \u201cCoffee Brands, Class and Culture in a Canadian City.\u201d European Journal of Cultural Studies <\/em>16(4):405\u2013423.<\/p>\n\n\n\nBookman\u2019s article explores how coffee brands in Canada, particularly Tim Hortons, Starbucks, and Second Cup, shape and reflect social class distinctions. Using qualitative data from interviews, she examines how these brands offer consumers distinct experiences that reinforce notions of class, such as cosmopolitanism versus Canadianness and connoisseurship versus \u201cordinary\u201d consumption. Consumers use these brands not only as markers of class identity but also as tools to actively perform class distinctions. The study demonstrates that everyday consumer choices play a central role in shaping and expressing social class boundaries.<\/p>\n\n\n\nDiscussion questions<\/summary>\n\n- When you want coffee, where do you typically go and why (e.g., convenience, atmosphere, price, or brand)?<\/li>\n\n\n\n
- How do coffee brands like Tim Hortons and Starbucks offer distinct experiences that reinforce social class identities and boundaries?<\/li>\n\n\n\n
- In what ways do consumers use coffee brands to create or perform class distinctions? How does cultural capital influence coffee choices? Can you think of examples from your own experience?<\/li>\n\n\n\n
- Think of your favourite coffee shop. Does this coffee shop serve as a third place, where you can relax or socialize outside of home or work? In your opinion, are some coffee brands (like Starbucks or Tim Hortons) better at creating this \u2018third place\u2019 environment? Why?<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/details>\n\n\n\n
Trigg, Andrew B. 2001. \u201cVeblen, Bourdieu, and Conspicuous Consumption.\u201d Journal of Economic Issues<\/em> 35(1):99\u2013115. doi: 10.1080\/00213624.2001.11506342<\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\nThis article offers an accessible comparison of Thorstein Veblen\u2019s theory of conspicuous consumption and Pierre Bourdieu\u2019s concept of cultural capital. Veblen\u2019s theory focuses on how individuals emulate the consumption patterns of higher social classes to signal their status. Critics argue that this view is limited, emphasizing a one-way \u201ctrickle-down\u201d effect. In contrast, Bourdieu shows how consumption patterns flow both up and down the social ladder, allowing for a more flexible analysis of consumption and social hierarchy.<\/p>\n\n\n\nDiscussion questions<\/summary>\n\n- How do the perspectives of Veblen and Bourdieu differ in explaining the role of social class in shaping consumption patterns and tastes?<\/li>\n\n\n\n
- What are some limitations of \u201ctrickle-down\u201d consumption? Can you think of examples in which consumer tastes trickle \u201cup\u201d or \u201cround,\u201d in Trigg\u2019s terms?<\/li>\n\n\n\n
- Where do the working- and middle-classes figure in both Veblen and Bourdieu\u2019s analysis? What role do these classes play in shaping, transforming, or resisting dominant tastes?<\/li>\n\n\n\n
- Can we apply Veblen\u2019s and Bourdieu\u2019s ideas to understanding consumption in today\u2019s digital, influencer-driven economy, where social media amplifies the visibility of consumption choices?<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/details>\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n
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Quizzes<\/h2>\n\n\n\n
Test your knowledge with the Chapter 4 quizzes!<\/p>\n\n\n\n
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Quiz<\/h3>\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n